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The
enemy within: Southern African militaries' quarter-Century
battle with HIV and AIDS
Martin Rupiya, Ed. Institute
for Security Studies (ISS)
October 2006
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Contents
Context of the
study - Martin Rupiya
PART I—HIV/AIDS
AND THE EXPERIENCE OF SOME SOUTHERN AFRICAN ARMED FORCES
CHAPTER ONE
Introduction: Southern African militaries' battle against
HIV/AIDS
Martin Rupiya with assistance from Lawson Simapuka
CHAPTER TWO
Interventions against HIV/AIDS in the Botswana Defence Force
Raymond Molatole and Steven Laki Thaga
CHAPTER THREE
HIV/AIDS in the Umbufto Swaziland Defence Force
Hamilton S. Simelane, Shayilanga Cornelius Kunene and Tsembeni
Magongo
CHAPTER FOUR
HIV/AIDS in the armed forces: Policy and mitigating strategies
in Zambia
Anne Namakando Phiri and Lawson Simapuka
PART II—CIVIL
SOCIETY PERSPECTIVES
CHAPTER FIVE
Implementation of Tanzanian National Policy on HIV/AIDS in relation
to the defence sector
Jonathan Mutayoba Kakulu Lwehabura and Jeanne Karamaga Ndyetabura
CHAPTER SIX
HIV/AIDS in the Zimbabwe Defence Force: A civil society perspective
Reginald Matchaba-Hove
PART III—CONCLUSIONS
AND RECOMMENDATIONS
CHAPTER SEVEN
Lessons learned - Martin Rupiya
Bibliography
Index
Context
of the study
This study,
The Enemy Within: Southern African Militaries' Quarter- Century
Battle with HIV and AIDS, traces the experiences of three defence
forces-those of Botswana, Swaziland and Zambia-through the eyes
of serving senior officers. A complementary perspective on Tanzania
and Zimbabwe is provided by civil society researchers with an intimate
knowledge of military-civil relationships in these countries.
The result has
been the first in-depth social science study to provide insights
into the militaries as they have come to grips with the pandemic.
It shows their struggle to receive policy guidance from policy makers.
When this was slow in coming, the organisations were forced to improvise
in order to maintain the integrity of their national mandate, which
is to be always ready and prepared to safeguard their countries'
national security.
Given the major
route of transmission-which has been heterosexual relations that
have crossed the boundaries between uniformed forces and the rest
of society-the role of civil society participants in the research
has been particularly important.
Despite this
productive collaboration, we have to acknowledge that we do not
know the true extent of the presence and impact of HIV/AIDS in Southern
Africa. The available statistics are incomplete, and our methodology
has had to rely on partial or extrapolated evidence. This evidence
has generally been limited to the results of tests of pregnant women
at anti-natal clinics, evaluations of donated blood and the prevalence
suggested by the testing of those volunteers who have agreed to
a determination of their HIV status. (In post-conflict conditions
such as apply, for example, in Angola or the Democratic Republic
of the Congo [DRC], even this evidence may not be available.)
Owing to the
situation described, any type of research that contributes to our
aggregate knowledge is welcome, even where the research has had
to take place without an adequate infrastructure or skills base.
The conceptual framework and intended focus of our work has recognised
these shortcomings.
The study is
particularly welcome in the light of the suspicion and stigma created
in the mid-1990s by elements in the international community, reinforced
by media hype. Various allegations targeted African militaries as
one of the major vectors for the spread of the disease.
This activity
coincided with international confusion about which organisations
could best lead and coordinate the response to the growing HIV/AIDS
epidemic. This situation saw, in 1996, the World Health Organisation
and the World Bank handing over their previous responsibilities
to a newly created cluster1 agency of the United Nations, UNAIDS.
Within UNAIDS, the Civil-Military Alliance (CMA) to Combat HIV and
AIDS emerged in 1997. The CMA was required to work with the world's
armed forces to acquire empirical evidence that would inform policy
recommendations. In its wisdom, the CMA began its work by sending
out to 120 countries a 40-point questionnaire asking for information
on, for example:
- the prevalence
rates in each of the militaries;
- the number
of HIV-positive recruits;
- the number
of HIV-positive persons on active duty;
- the total
number of AIDS cases that had been diagnosed to date; and
- aggregated
data for regions.
These questions
were not universally welcomed by the traditionally suspicious militaries,
including those on the African continent. In their view, the information
sought by the questionnaire focused on the state of their armies,
their composition and their capabilities in relation to their human
resources. In their view, therefore, such information should not
be released or deposited with a civilian organisation somewhere
in the West.
It is therefore
not surprising that the CMA initiative soon admitted to a lack of
positive response from the majority of militaries targeted.
According to
submissions to the 32nd International Congress of Military Medical
Practitioners held in Beijing, China in October 1996, there was
a disappointing 30% response from Africa.
Another development
that exacerbated research relations with the militaries was the
question of the genesis and transmission of the virus. We now know
that the reports of the empirically documented incidence in the
United States San Francisco gay community coincided with the evidence
emerging from Kinshasa, and later in Cameroon, that the HI virus
may have crossed over from chimpanzees to affect humans. Following
this research, there was a deliberate attempt not only to stigmatise
the African continent but also to point to the sexual practices
of militaries as the major vector spreading the disease.
Following these
developments there was a clamming up of information by militaries
and a reluctance to work with researchers, most of whom wished to
sensationalise rather than to guide their work into constructive
channels.
Against this
background, it was a significant breakthrough that governments and
their militaries signed up to the present research initiative.
This confidence
has placed an obligation on those of us who have been responsible
for managing the project to safeguard the confidential integrity
of the activity through a continuous consultative process. This
obligation, however, has had to be balanced against the demands
placed on us as social science professionals.
In the event,
we are confident that the end-result will prove beneficial for both
sides. It is also our conviction that this study will serve to motivate
other states in Africa, if not beyond Africa, to document their
experience with HIV/AIDS since its 'discovery'.
If this project
succeeds in its three initial objectives, namely to:
- trace and
document empirically the policy responses by military institutions
since the advent of HIV/AIDS;
- develop research
and analysis tools on the related issues within both the armed
forces and civil society; and
- provide a
'best-practice' template,
we may be provided
with an opportunity for a second and much more intensive phase of
research, which would take the form of impact studies.
In the same
vein and with resources permitting, the present research initiative
may be extended to countries in sub-Saharan Africa that we have
not yet examined.
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