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An unrelenting fight for press freedom in Africa: interview with Raymond Louw
African Press Network for the 21st century (RAP 21)
June 27, 2007

http://www.rap21.org/article19147.html

Over the years, Raymond Louw has gained the reputation of a media warhorse and arch-lobbyist as a result of his tireless campaign for an enabling environment for press freedom in Africa. As editor of the Rand Daily Mail from 1966 to 1977, he helped the publication flourish in a time of immense challenges from the repressive Apartheid regime. After been fired amid pressure from above, he went on to found the Southern African Report, a current affairs newsletter he has edited and published ever since.

Among other activities, Louw currently acts as the Africa consultant for the World Press Freedom Committee and is a council member of the South African National Editor's Forum. His most recent endeavours include campaigning for the recognition of a free media as a key criteria in the African Peer Review Mechanism, and he has fought a battle against insult laws in Africa, playing an instrumental role in the campaign for the adoption of the Declaration of Table Mountain. RAP 21 was able to speak to Louw about his lifelong career in journalism, his current fight against insult laws and press freedom violations in Africa.

RAP 21 : You have been active in journalism and press freedom advocacy in South Africa for over 60 years. What would you say has been the highlight of your career?

Louw : My editorship at the Rand Daily Mail with an incredibly dedicated staff was by far the highlight of my career. The staff I worked with was one of the finest in South Africa and quite possibly the world, dedicated to their job as reporters even amidst the harshness of the government of the time. We were faced with the challenge of getting information to the public under circumstances that were very difficult and exhausting. Despite numerous attempts to keep us from publishing, we were able to succeed.

I once said that, if I had wanted to change the editorial policy at the Rand Daily Mail, the staff wouldn't have allowed me to do so. Not that I would have changed it, but the staff was so dedicated to the principles of press freedom and a professional press that they would have revolted if such an attempt had been made. There was a certain amount of positive pressure upon me from the staff to uphold these principles. The board did not like what I was doing, but their interference was very limited until they decided to fire me after increasing pressure over the last two years of my editorship.

Another important aspect of my time at the Rand Daily Mail was that we were very unpopular with certain people, in particular the government. At the same time we were read by these people because they did not trust their own publications and wanted to get the other side of the story. As a result, I believe that we managed to bring about the first stages of the non-violent revolution that took place in South Africa. By battering away at the inequities of Apartheid we helped persuade enough people that they were wrong to follow its policies.

Although many did not openly switch until the great day came in 1994 when Nelson Mandela was released, I believe this change was possible without a rebellion or revolution as a result of the fact that we had been discussing how unjust the system was over such a long period of time. Some people will say that in a period of two years there was a remarkable transition from repression to stability. The fact is that newspapers like the Rand Daily Mail had been criticizing the Apartheid system for a long period of time and the message of its injustices hit home. That is why such a rapid change could occur over such a short period of time.

RAP 21 : Looking back, do you have any particular regrets?

Louw : There are always regrets that one didn't handle certain stories the way they should have been handled, but I do not have many. One instance that I wish I could have done better on was in calling for the release of Nelson Mandela. We had called for talks between the African National Congress and the government on the issues of the day, but we should have made a much stronger call for the release of Mandela as well as other political prisoners. However, given the political environment we were working in, I am not sure that such a deed would have been possible.

RAP 21 : Over the years, you have written numerous protest letters to Heads of State, and most recently contributing to the Declaration of Table Mountain. Do you think that such protest campaigns and declarations make a difference?

Louw : The answer to this question came at the opening ceremony of the 60th World Newspaper Congress and 14th World Editors Forum in Cape Town, when South African President Thabo Mbeki acknowledged the importance of press freedom and the need to abolish draconian press laws as outlined in the Declaration of Table Mountain. The declaration was my idea to rid Africa of insult laws and start the ball rolling at a high level. I also wanted to get the African Peer Review Mechanism to accord the press its rightful status as a key element of democracy and good governance. Although I believe he was aware, the declaration was accepted by Mbeki in the sense that he publicly stated that he didn't know about the prominence of these violations. This shows that over time such campaigns do make a difference.

From my experience at the International Press Institute (IPI), there is no doubt that the number of protests launched internationally against journalists being imprisoned have saved many from lengthy periods of jail time and even execution. An example is when I was sent by IPI and the World Press Freedom Committee to intercede on behalf of Pius Njawe of Le Messager in Cameroon. Njawe had been sentenced to two years in jail plus a fine for insulting the president. Following the demands made, the judge reduced his sentence to one year. Six months later on my birthday Njawe was pardoned. This demonstrates that protests campaigns do have an enormous effect. It is because leaders do not acknowledge that they acted in response to these protests that many do not realize their impact.

RAP 21 : As you said, President Mbeki acknowledged the Declaration of Table Mountain during his speech to the delegates of the WAN/WEF Conference. What are the next steps in assuring its effect in Africa?

Louw : Next, the declaration will be presented to the Chairperson of the African Union (AU). We will ask for it to be presented to all member states of the AU for their consideration and possible endorsement. We have already presented the declaration to Thabo Mbeki in hopes that he will use his influence to convince other African leaders to endorse it. After this the declaration will be taken to UNESCO and the United Nations. To be successful, the declaration must to be well publicized. Members of the media should promote the declaration any time there is an opportunity.

RAP 21 : Freedom of the press continues to be violated on a daily basis across the continent, and in the past year violations have increased more than ever before. Why do you think governments are taking harsher actions against the press?

Louw : The increase in press freedom violations is a sign that the media are fighting even harder and becoming more effective. Retaliation from repressive governments is only a response to more active media. In addition, international courts are beginning to try leaders who have committed human rights abuses. The fact that the press is successfully highlighting those human rights abuses is making repressive leaders more cautious, and that is why they are taking greater action against the media. It is therefore a sign that the media have been more active.

On the other side, a factor in the increase in press freedom violations that is not often recognized in America or Britain is the response of the American and British press to the decision by America to invade Iraq. This response was appalling and in turn caused enormous damage to press freedom. Because the American press in particular had a very high reputation as a free press and a leader in press freedom, its failure to question the government caused enormous damage to press freedom. The American press virtually collapsed, and some newspapers even apologized for not being critical enough of the government's actions.

This sent a message to the world that, if America was adopting those rules to limit the press in the name of national interest (in this case George Bush) rather than public interest, taking repressive measures on the press in light of that conduct seemed acceptable. In Britain the press was slightly more critical than the American press, but definitely not as much as it should have been. It was not as critical as we were in South Africa when we were facing a tougher situation in terms of our government. I felt let down by the American press, particularly over this issue, and we have seen the results.

RAP 21 : Lastly, what are your plans in this fight for press freedom?

Louw : I cannot see myself deviating away from my work to end insult laws and to get the African Peer Review Mechanism to include a free media in its criteria. I have been campaigning against insult laws for the past five years, and the African Peer Review Mechanism came amidst this fight. I initially received little support, but continued and eventually got the International Press Institute to issue a resolution on the subject and the World Press Freedom Committee to make various statements. As issues of press freedom continue to arise, and as I continue to gain support in the fight, I will have no intention of relenting.

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